Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 IV.A Evolution of the War (26 Vols.) U.S. MAP for Diem: The Eisenhower Commitments, 1954-1960(5 Vols.) 2. Aid for France in Indochina, 1950-54 Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 TOP SECRET - SENSITIVE UNITED STATES - VIETNAM RELATIONS 1945 1967 VIETNAM TASK FORCE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE TOP SECRET - sensitive) Declassified per Executive Order J 3526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 4 o ■- ■ ^.»/'^ r-i V .\ \ I . . i .-. J-.. : SOURCE: CIA,KIE-5 .' * Map Suppleraen-t -'■'._ 5 January 1951 ■ i -t. . » 1- x:. ■.•'...' ^ ' :•■■ I SECRET I , t ' ' r ' ■ 1 H J Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 4 . ■'>■ ji: . M« i i.' i * V ^:- I I \ ■■■'■ ! * L . ; '. ■ J ■ t »;it— n T i Tr II I iM r i l_i MILES ± 5a :on3 t) • • ; PNOMPENH oLocni'nh ^*r<-. * • Vs.' ••% • ^y^\ • • • • • > -X-' >- Cnowdoci • • • ^' ^r- //a iv e/7 C!- / /: ■^.^^^^C/;o/o/7 1 SAIGON ' :f? e eel s?^^^^-^^v/^\ i^ar/^ / _> Gadec ^ ry r . HO/KHAO Rschgia z^q, Canth von 'm^^ra-^^^^nU^.^^^ TraVrn'hz^^ ■^ -u.- Co SoctrangpXi ->i C a mail BacUeii •^ >: rV k- •^ kO ,v> .\, XJ)-7 O ^ .^ ^rl \ PoTlLo ■;Con.dor =■ l.iJi ,.-.■. ■^■. ■ ' ■ - ■"n f II..' ■^■* " — ~ ^^ HL ■ ' -..,^-lJ- - .J-L. Declassified per Executive Order J 3526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 ■«■» ■ t:. . ' . - . > 4 !-■■'. i • I i //v^/"*' /I . A' N « • A MII.CS ■ I i< L.Eodard.The Quick sand War ^■^^Ajc^arr; • '■ V'^^V^^--* .' (BoGton:Ill;tle,Brown;£:.Co.,196'i ^ int)q Kb^if\ Y .Di':nbi'cru %• • '^. t * r _ — »- Mcko^Q < Scim A t AU'f}i; ThnriHho'ci G U L F O F Fra barig TONKIN <^->^ HAINAN ■S O t/T H Thakhe/<\ "N 4-4 Quangtr! ^^x^ Sa vannakhGt\^ J*^ CHINA THAILAND . y^ Saravane Alto pea I .^fi --G u L r- Tourane i-V ' O I- \(^i/angfi(jcii' ~- ^Daktol ^Konturi'T. S E A Angkor : -\n C a Ms^Q o • .0 • .r> ////^ tran cf ■ Pnompenh s I /\ r^i ^^ ^ ^\ DJiring WJ^hanronq 'Phanthlct' INDOCHINA IN 1949 '■ ^^' Viefmlnh- domlnafecf : ; Zonps,1949 ^^^t V'?ox\.{o Cor-.ciore""' • - I I ■ I III! ■ I "STT" ■ ■Jitf ■p^ Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 .% . t • ■ ■ I ■ i. ■ I ■ 1 "' l:'-v I •■ • • I 4 ■. I • ■'..■<:;-•'/ v > ■ n: / ■ >■! v: • 1 . • > II * • c H 2 'K miKK-a^ t^n*»v^ix*^ -^ • » N • • • • ,%. • 9 o 9 \^ yi ^ V I hang So f'hr I "^ /Phongth Icfiau o 'Laokay j V>'! DIenbicnphu ^. hu^m Son/a .^ Yietr'i v; :<<>>p • • • Nasan ^ <>, Vinliyen ^J\Bacninh Son thy, HANOI. ^j ^ • • • . • o '>^.. "i*^. '\' • • i-^/'/c'ic/dnr/ ^yyyyy> (o'jbinh C\ J-faiduoiij KcDOit \-- M 5.- r © '/■ ■>-, -z^?. MILES J- L /5 'tbmli f/^ <>^<.' Viefminh- /dbminafecl 2one$J949 TONKIN IN 1949 .. ^ ^' ,^ ^1. ,-- - --J- ,^^-v ' ■ ,. ■'' 'ill' " ■'^■•■■■•\. :' Source: L.Eodsrd jThe ^ <'^ ^Quick&and Vaxf Boston: Little E?oin~Seo77l967 ) ^ 22 v^-'-y-r. . J ^'.5C: / . -:-■ :*v Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 I I V , I • ....... Som-ce: V.J.Croizat,tran^.,j|^ranGlaUonJV . VIET Mlira ITxOOP SOIREKGTH (Tliousands) ■ Popular (guerr ilia) • • 100 Regional TO Regular • » _ ^"^ ■ 330 In North Vietnam :80^ r. -.■ » • LEGEND 9 Infantry bciUoHon (regular} . ■ O Rcc|(onaI boffollon t . . .. .. Viet Min'n deploymen^l ArUlIcr/ or antiaircraft or engineer bolfalion _^ , > Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 N>JD Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 \ TOP SECRET - Sensitive 1. Introduction: The U.S. and the French Colonial VJar Because the early phase (19^6-19^9) o^ the Indochina war was an overt attempt "by the French to reassert authority and control over their Indochinese colonies, the United States, although aware that European Recovery Program (ERP) funds were indirectly used to finance the war, refused to support that war directly. However, American actions taken to assure a neutral position -- refusal to sell armaments to the French for use in Indochina; refusal to transport troops, arms, or ammunition "to or from Netherlands East Indies or French Indochina" l/ -- accompa- nied "by .puhlic and private statements of anti-colonialist sentiments, did constitute, at least in French eyes, a policy hostile to the French interest in Indochina. 2/ Therefore, early in 1-9^7, the Department of State , - attempted to reassure the French Government, and to make U.S. policies and actions more palatable to them: "...In spite any misunderstanding which might have arisen in minds French in regard to our position concerning Indochina I they must appreciate that we have fully recognized France's sovereign position in that area and we do not wish to have it appear that we are in any way endeavoring undermine that posi- tion, and French should know it is our desire to he helpful and we stand ready assist any appropriate way we can to find solution for Indochinese problem. At same time we cannot shut our eyes to fact that there are two sides this problem and that our reports indicate both a lack French understanding of other side (more in Saigon than in Paris) and continued existence dangerously outmoded colonial outlook and methods in area...." 3/ Neither direct nor indirect assistance to the French effort in" Indochina was deemed "appropriate," however, until the French took con- crete steps to grant autonomy to Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. The U.S. was prepared to support the "Bao Dai solution" for Vietnam when and if Bao Dai acquired genuine independen£e. The U.S. warned France against settling for a "native government /headed by Bao Dai/ V7hich_by failing to develop appeal among Vietnamese might become virtually /.a_y_puppet government, separated from /the/ people and existing only by /the/ pres- - ■ ence /of/ French military forces." h/ In March, 19^9? i^ "tbe so-called Elysee Agreement, France con- tracted with Bao Dai to grant "independence within the French Union" to Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. 3/ Despite U.S. urgings, the Elysee Agree- ment remained a potentially empty and ill-defined French promise for eleven months. In that period, -the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek were driven from the Cnina mainland, and in November, Mao's legions arrived at the Indochina ^ border. In January, I95O3 Ho Chi Minh declared that his was the "only legal government of the Vietnamese people" and indicated his willingness to cooperate with any nation willing to recognize it on the basis of "equality and mutual respect of national sovereignty and territory. "6/ TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET - Sensitive The Communist Chinese promptly responded with recognition, folio-wed by the Soviets. In France, there was a sharp debate in the National Assembly between Leftist advocates of an immediate truce with the Viet Minh, and Government supporters of ratification for the Elysee Agreement. On 2 February 1950, the French Government prevailed, and the Elysee Agreement was formally ratified. Under the circumstances, the United States deter- mined that this a^ction met its minimum requirements for tangible French progress towards Vietnamese autonomy. On 3 February, President Truman approved recognition of the States of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. 7/ VJithin three months the United States decided to extend economic and military aid to the new States, On 8 May 1950, the Secretary of State announced that: "The United States Government, convinced that neither national independence nor democratic evolution exist in any area dominated by Soviet imperialism, considers the situation to be such as to warrant its according economic aid and mili- tary equipment to the Associated States of Indochina and to France in order to assist them in restoring stability and permitting these states to pursue their peaceful and democratic development." 8/ The U.S. involvement in the Vietnam war originated with its decision to provide assistance to France and the Associated States, and to form MAAG Indochina. Therefore, it is of particular importance to understand the reasons for the decision, the form of its execution, and its effects. 2. The Containment of Communism U.S. chagrin and increasing concern over the post-World War II expansion of the Soviet Union in Europe, together with fear of further gains by communism, set the tone of U.S. policy toward Asian communist • nations in the 19^1-8-1950 period. As the Secretary of State's statement above indicates, these were the days of the "monolithic Communist bloc," dominated by the Soviet Union. A National Security Council policy paper of I9U9 stated that: . . "The USSR is now an Asiatic power of the first magnitude with expanding influence and interest extending throughout continental Asia and into the Pacific, Since the defeat of Japan... the Soviet Union has been able to consolidate its strategic position until the base of Soviet power in Asia comprises not only the Soviet Fa,r East, but also China north of the Great VJall, Northern Korea, Sakahalin, and the Kuriles." 2/ The question of how best to oppose the expansion of communism in Asia was raised to crisis proportions by the "loss" of China. An extensive and acrimonious national debate on foreign policy was stirred, conducted in the midst of growing public apprehension over communist penetration, espionage, and subversion in Europe and within the United States itself. In Congress, a particularly active and vocal group TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 / ^ TOP SECRET - Sensitive advocated increased aid to the Chinese Nationalists, who were regarded by many, even at this late date, as the bulwark containing communism in Asia. lO/ Although no major emphasis was given Indochina in 19^9? ^SC papers did discuss the importance of the Franco-Viet Minh struggle, and link the future of Indochina v/ith that of the rest of the world: "in any event, colonia^l-nationalist conflict provides a fertile field for subversive communist activities, and it is now clear that Southeast Asia is the target of a coordinated offensive directed by the Kremlin. In seeking to gain control of Southeast Asia, the Kremlin is motivated in part by a desire to acq,uire Southeast Asia's resources and communication lines, and to deny them to us. But the political gains which would accrue to the USSR from communist capture of Southeast Asia are equally significant. The extension of communist authority -in China represents a grievous political defeat for us: if ' Southeast Asia also is swept by communism we shall have suffered a major political rout the repercussions of which will be felt throughout the rest of the world, especially in the Middle East and in a then critically exposed Australia." 11/ It was precisely the extension of communist authority over China referred to above that led to increased emphasis in U.S. policy on Indochina in late 19ii9 and 1950." Follovang the Chinese Communist victories of 19^9 ^'^d the movement of Chinese Communist troops to the border of Indochina in November of that year, NSC 6U (February 7, 1950) concluded that "the Departments of State and Defense should prepare, as a Eiatter of priority, a program of all practicable measures designed to protect U.S. security interests in Indo- china.." 12/ On the same day, I3/ following the Communist Chinese (January I8) and the Soviet (January 30) recognition of the Ho Chi Minh regime, ihj the United States announced its recognition of the Bao Dai Government. Theretofore, the U.S. had remained neutral, hesitating to choose between supporting France, a friendly colonial power engaged in re-establishing its authority, or supporting the Viet Minh, a communist- dominated independence movement in opposition to that European ally. This dilemma had been resolved by the victory of the Chinese Communists over the Nationalists, and by the threat posed to Indochina. The United States policy of support for the French and the Associated States was adjudged one befitting an anti-colonial democracy: support of nationalism and independence; opposition to attempted encroachments thereon by inter- national communism. -j^ 3 • "The Line of Containment" and "The Domino Theory The logic of this shift in U.S. policy is found not only in the direct threat to Southeast Asia posed by Communist China (and the Soviet Union), but also in the broader strategic concept of a line of contain- ment^ and in the early articulation of what later became known as the 3 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order J 3526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive "domino theory." Discussion of the line of containment centered about vhere ■ that line was to be di^awn: Indochina^ and^ later ^ Korea^ fell on the free side of that line. 15/ The domino notion had been advanced by General Claire Chennault^ among others, in the reference to Nationalist China l6/; the domino theory as applied to Indochina reinforced the decision of vhere to draw the line of containment. Both ideas were embodied by the Joint Chiefs of Staff in a 1950 memorandum to the Secretary of Defense evaluating "the strategic importance, from the military point of view, of Southeast Asia": "c. Southeast Asia is a vital segment in the line of containment of Communism stretching from Japan southward and around to the Indian Peninsula... The security of the three major non-Communist base areas in this quarter of the world -- Japan, India, and Australia -- depends in a large measure on .the denial of Southeast Asia to the Communists. If Southeast Asia is lost, these three base areas will tend to be isolated from one another j "d. The fall of Indochina would undoubtedly lead to the fall of the other mainland states of Southeast Asia... "e. The fall of Southeast Asia would result in the virtually complete denial to the United States of the Pacific Littoral of Asia. • « "f . . . . Soviet control of all the major components of Asia's war potential might become a decisive factor affecting the balance of power between the United States and the USSR... "g. A Soviet position of dominance over the Far East would also threaten the United States position in Japan... The .feasibility of retention by the United States of its offshore island bases could thus be jeopardized." 1?/ This theory, whether more or less completely articulated, appears in the relevant NSC papers of the Indochina War period, and underlies all major U.S. policy decisions taken relevant to the area, 18/ k. U.S. Perception of the Chinese Communist Threat In the words of NSC 6h (February, 1950), "The presence of Chinese CommiHiist troops along the border of Indochina makes it possible for arms, material and troops to move freely from Comm'onist China to the northern Tonkin area now controlled by Ho Chi Minh. There is already evidence of movement of arms." 19/ NIE 5 maintained somewhat later, as the decision to help the French was being re-examined, that: "The Communist Chinese regime is already furnishing the Viet Minh materiel, training, and technical assistance.' Official French sources report tha^t Chinese Comjnunist troops are already present in Tonkin in some strength. . . 20 / Direct intervention by Chinese Communist troops may occur at any tiiae... It is almost certain ■ • ^ TOP SECRET - Sensitive i» r Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive to occur in strength v^henever there is danger either that the Viet Minh will fail to attain its military objective of driving the French out of Indochina 5 or that the Bao Dai Government is succeeding in undermining the support of the Viet MinJi." 2l/ NIE 5 appeared on December 29, 1950- Although the threat of intervention to be expected from Communist China did not again reach this intensity or certainty during the remainder of the war — the estimated probability of intervention declined consistently after the publication of KEE 5 -- estimates throughout the period Indicate continuing Communist Chinese provision of milita.ry arms^ materiel, and training to the Viet Minh^ and the existence of Communist Chinese potential for direct intervention. Ro direct reference was made to possible Viet Minh resentment toward , or resistance to, direct Chinese intervention. In sum, the U.S. perceived a major Chinese threat at the time the decision to support France and the Associated States was m.ade; a high probability v/as assigned direct Chinese Communist intervention at the time this decision vras being confirmed^ this assigned probability declined rapidly, and it remained low through the post-Korea.n war period. It was believed that the Chinese were providing assistance to the Viet Minh throughout the period late I9U9-I954. 5- U.S. Perceptions of the Situation within Vietnam On April 5, I95O, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, referring to intelli- gence estimates, indicated to the Secretary of Defense their view that "the situation in Southeast Asia has deteriorated," and that, further, "without United States assistance, this deterioration v;ill be accelerated." 22^ (The implication that U.S. assistance would result in improvement over and above the present situation cannot be detected in this carefully worded statement.) The Joint Chiefs of Staff went on to state that: "in general, the basic conditions of political and economic stability in this area, as well as the military and internal security conditions, are unsatisfactory. These factors are closely interrelated, and it is probable that, from the long-term point of vievr, political and economic stability is the controlling factor. On the other hand, the military situation in some areas, particu- larly Indochina, is of pressing urgency." NIE 5 was the over-all U.S. assessment of the situation in Vietnam closest in time to the U.S. decision to support the French and the Associated States. It estimated the French position as "critically endangered by the Viet Minh," and as "precarious." 23/ Combining the more detailed estimates of this document with sta.tements and estimates contained in other U.S. docu- ments contemporary with NIE 5^ the follov/ing picture emerges: a. The Military Situation (1) French-Viet Minh areas of control - see maps TOP SECRET - Sensitive It Declassified per Executive Order J 3526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 I TOP SECRET - Sensitive (2) Force ratio - French between 1.5 s.nd 1.6 to 1 Viet Minh; vis-a-vis regular forces in the Tonkin Delta, the ratio was reversed - approximately 1.15 Viet Minh to 1 French (NIE 5) . (3) Equipment status - French superiority, but Viet Minh improving due to Chinese aid. (^'■) Mobility - Viet Minh superior; French roadbound. (5) Strategy - French strategy lacking in aggressiveness, defensive, of doubtful value. (6) Status of Vietnamese National Army - essentially none; "only a slight chance that the French can maintain their military position long enough" Zhj to build such an army. ('i^) Relative capabilities - danger of a major military defeat of the French by the Viet Minh in Tonkin within six to nine months, which would jeopardize the French position in the remainder of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. b . The Economic and Political Situation French resources badly strained; little or no real nationalist Vietnamese leadership, government; little popular support of Bao Dai regime 25/; political and economic situation generally poor. c. French Objectives in Vietnam French slovmess an.d obstructionism over the years in creating a Vietnamese national government and national army (March 8, 19^4-9^ agree- I ments were not ratified by France until February 2, I950) 5 and continued slowness in giving control of the bureaucracy to the Vietnamese, indicate ( a reluctant departure, if any departure, from colonial objectives. d. French Resolve to Remain in Vietnam "... there are grounds for questioning the French will to .remain in Indochina." 26 / Thus, the American perception of the situation in Vietnam in 1950 was generally one of gloom, with little light at the end of the tunnel; in retrospect, it seems reasonably acciorate. 6. The Decision to Assist France and the Associated States a. French Request Aid United States involvement in the bleak Indochinese situation was hastened when, on February I6, 1950, the French requested U.S. military ^ TOP SECRET " Sensitive I Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number; NND 63316. By: NWD Date; 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive and economic assistance for the prosecution of the Indochinese war. The French forwarded their request after deciding "to set forth to the United States Government fully and frankly the extreme gravity of the situation in Indochina. . •" "... the truth of the matter vras that the effort in Indo- china was such of a drain on France that a long-term program. of assistance was necessary and it was only from the United States that it could come. Othervrise ... it was very likely that France might be forced to reconsider her entire policy with the possible view to cutting her losses and withdrawing from Indochina . . . looking into the future it was obvious . . . that France cou_ld not' continue indefinitely to bear this bur- den alone if the expected developments in regard to increased assistance to Ho Chi Minh came about... In any event the French Government was confronted with necessity of reducing the present French forces in Indochina by at least 25^000 not only for budgetary reasons, but because additional men were urgentH.y needed in connection with French national military program." 27/ ' Yet this appeal for aidj its thinly-veiled reinforcing arguments referring to withdrawal and the defense of Eurojje (on the day following the severing of U.S. -Bulgarian relations) ^ w^as unaccompanied by a willingness to satisfy a U.S. request for France to announce the "evolutionary nature" of the governments of the Associated States , or to clarify othervrise the French intentions toward Indochina. On Febru8-ry 27, a Department of State report on the position of the United States with respect to Indochina was submitted for the NSC*s considerationo Issued on February 27 as NSC Gh^ the report concluded that : "lO. It is important to United States security interests that all practicable naeasures be taken to prevent further Communist expansion in Southeast Asia. Indochina is a key area of Southeast Asia and is under immediate threat • "11. The neighboring countries of Thailand and Burma could be expected to fall under Coironunist domination if Indo- china were controlled by a Communist -dominated government. The balance of Southeast Asia would then be in grave hazard. ■"12. Accordingly, the Departments of State and Defense should prepare as a matter of priority a program of all prac- ticable measures designed to protect United States seciority interests in Indochina." 28/ To "facilitate" Department of Defense consideration of NSC Gh^ then Deputy Under Secretary of State Dean Rusk provided Major General James H. Burns of OSD a brief statement of Department of State policy in Indochina and Southeast Asia: 7 . TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive "The Department of State believes that vithin the limitations imposed by existing commitments and strategic priorities 5 the resources of the United States should be deployed to reserve Indochina and Southeast Asia from fxurther Communist encroachment. The Department of State has accord- ingly already engaged all its political resources to the end that this object be secured. The Department is now engaged in the process of urgently examining what additional economic resources can effectively be engaged in the same operation. "it is now^ in the opinion of the Department ^ a matter of the greatest urgency that the Department of Defense assess the strategic aspects of the situation and consider, from the mili- tary point of view, how the United States can best contribute to the prevention of further Communist encroachment in that area." 29/ In a memorandum for the President of Majrch 6, 1950, the Secretary of Defense described U.S. options as follows: "The French are irrevocably committed in Indochina and are supporting the three states as a move aimed at achieving non-Communist political stability. . . The choice confronting the United States is to support the legal governments in Indochina or to face the extension of Comnixinism over the remainder of the continental area of Southeast Asia and possibly westward,. •" 30/ b. The Griffin Mission While the choice among alternatives awaited provision of the views of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the military departments, 31/ the Secretary of State sent to the Far East "the Griffin Mission," which was given the task of surveying "the kinds and approximate value of assistance needed" 32 / in Indochina (among other countries). Departing when it did, some five months following the fall of Rationalist China, and headed by the fomaer Deputy Chief of the Aid Mission to Mainland China, the Griffin Mission was probably intended to avoid further attacks on the State Department's Asia policy as well as to determine how U.S. economic resoui^ces might effectively be employed in Southeast Asia. On March 22, the Griffin Mission report recommended U.S. aid for a program of rural rehabilitation, the provision of lioiited amounts of commodities and industrial equipment, and a program, of technical assistance These measures were estimated to cost $23.5 miDlion for the period through June, 1951^ The mission also recomnended the "psychological shock of ships with military aid material in the immediate futiore" 33 / as a measure to dramatize the U.S. commitment to those on the scene. c. JCS Views On April 5? "the Joint Chiefs of Staff responded to a request by the Secretary of Defense with recommendations for measures vrhich, from 8 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET - Sensitive the United States military point of viev^ might prevent commmiist expansion in Southeast Asia. 3^/ The six most important points made by the Chiefs are these: (1) A recommendation for early implementation of military aid programs for Indochina and the other statec of Southeast Asia^, with ftuids already allocated to the states of Southeast Asia^to be delivered at the earliest practicable date and to be augmented as a matter of urgency with funds from the unallocated portion of the President's emergency fund. For the next fiscal year, an estimated $100 million will be required for the military portion of this program. (2) "In view of the history of military aid in China, the Joint Chiefs of Staff "urge that these aid programs be subject, in any event, to the follovzing conditions: "a. That United States military aid not be granted unconditionally; rather that it be carefully controlled and that the aid program be integrated with political and economic programs; and "b. That requests for military equipment be screened first by an officer designated by the Department of Defense and on duty in the recipient state. These requests should be subject to his determina- tion as to the feasibility and satisfactory coordination of specific military operations. It should be understood that military aid will only be considered in connection with such coordinated operational plans as are approved by the representative of the Department of Defense on duty in the recipient coiintry. Fvirther, in conformity vrith current procedures, the final approval of all programs for military materiel will be subject to the concurrence of the Joint Chiefs of Staff," (3) "Formation of a Southeast Asia Aid Committee is recom- mended. (k) "The Joint Chiefs of Staff recognize the political implications involved in military aid to Indochina. It must be appreciated, however, that French armed forces ... are in the field and that if these were to be withdravm this year because of political considerations, the Bao Dai regime probably could not survive even with United States aido If the United States were now to insist upon independence for Vietnam and a phased French withdrawal from that country, this might improve the political situation. The French could be expected to interpose objections to, and certainly delays in such a programc ^ Conditions in Indochina, however, are unstable an.d the situation is apparently deteriorating rapidly so that the urgent need for at least an initial increment of military and economic aid is psychologically overriding. The Joint Chiefs of Staff, therefore, recommend the provision of military aid to Indochina at the earliest prac- ticable date under a prograin to implement the President's action approving the allocation of $15 million for Indochina and that corresponding incre- ments of political and economic aid be progratmned on an interim basis vrith- out prejudice to the pattern of the policy for additional military, political and economic aid that may be developed later." 9- - TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 f TOP SECRET - Sensitive (5) " ..• the Joint Chiefs of Staff recommend the immediate establishment of a small United States military aid group in Indochina.,. The Joint Chiefs of Staff would expect the senior member of this group to sit in consultation with military representatives of France and Vietnam and possibly of Laos and Cambodia. In addition to screening requests for materiel^ he would be expected to insure full coordination of military plans and efforts between the French and Vietnamese forces and to supervise the allocation of materiel." (6) "The Joint Chiefs of Staff believe in the possibility of success of a prompt coordinated United States program of military, political, and economic aid to Southeast Asia and feel that such a success might well lead to the gaining of the initiative in the struggle in that general area." The last of these points is clearly fundamental to the under- taking of any program of assistance; yet in the Chiefs' memorandum it appears only as the concluding portion of the paragraph (paragraph 15) recom- mending establishment of a military aid group in Indochina, and is subse- quently subjected to the qualification that "attainment of United States objectives in Asia can only be achieved by ultimate success in China." More remarkable, however, is the rarity with which even such equivocal predictions of success appear in the available docimients relating directly to the decision to provide assistance to Indochina. Direct statements on the probable effectiveness of such United States programs of the period are typically absent; indirect statements are typically of the implied- imperative ("we must do X if Asia is to be saved"), or the negative -imperative (if we do not do X, Asia will be lost"). There was no assxu^ance of military success given; and the calculus of the decision-making process relating to ■ the weighing of the probability of success against the costs of failure of U.S. programs in the 1950 period is not evident, unfortunately, in available documents. d. Presidential Approval |! -On May 1, 1950, President Truman approved the allocation of $10 million to the Department of Defense to cover the early shipment of i urgently needed military assistance items to Indochina, 35 / thus taking the first crucial decision regarding U.S. military involvement in Vietnam. X On May 8, the Secretary of State, in a statement at the ministerial level f meeting in Paris, announced United States assistance to the Associated States and France. And on May 2^, the "governments of France and the Associated States were notified of the United States intention to establish an economic aid mission to the Associated States, thus marking the imple- mentation of the recomiaendations of the Griffin Mission. . On June 27^ 1950, President Truman, in announcing the onset of the Korean war, also stated that he had "directed acceleration in the furnishing of military assistance to the forces of France and the Associated States in Indochina and the dispatch of a military mission to provide close 10 T OP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive vorking relations with those forces." 36/ The concept of a military assistance advisory group had also been approved, although the President did not refer to MAAG in his public statement. 37/ Also, in June, following the recomraendation of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Southeast Asia Aid Policy Committee was established, e. Erskine Mission The military mission dispatched by the President and headed by Major General Graves B. Erskine, USMC, arrived in'Saigon on July 15, and reported its findings on August 5. General Erskine reported that a permanent solution of the Indochina crisis went beyond military action alone, the core of the problem being a deep-seated hatred and distrust of the French by the population that precluded their cooperation in the - prosecution of the war. The mission also reported that the amount of aid and the scope of the assistance thus far requested by the French were inadequate to the needs of the situation. 38/ The first elements of the U.S. MAAG were assigned to Indo- china on August 3, I95O; Brigadier General Francis G. Brink, USA, assumed command as the first Chief of hlAAG on October 10. The mission of the MAAG was limited to provision of material assistance to the French forces and indirect provision of military aid to the forces of the Associated States; General Brj,nk was directed not to assume any training or advisory responsibilities toward the indigenous armies. But from the outset, the French rigorously limited end-use inspections of MAAG to a small number of carefully prescribed visits. 39/ f • JCS Reevalua.tion After the initial decision to provide assistance to France and the Associated States had been taken, the formation of an economic mission had been announced, the first shipment of arms and equipment had arrived in Indochina, and the MAG had been approved and was in the process of forma- tion, concern mounted over the soundness of these moves. The Joint Chiefs of Staff were again asked by the Secretary of Defense to fox'mulate a posi- tion on future U.S. actions with respect to Indochina, and the Southeast Asia Aid Policy Coinmittee (SEAAPC) published, on October 11, I95O, .a draft "Proposed Statement of U.S. Policy on Indochina." The SEAAPC statement proposed adding another dimension to U.S. assistance policy: "Regardless of cirrrent U.S. commitments for provision of certain military assistance to Indochina, the U.S. will not coimnit any of its armed forces to the defense of Indochina against overt, foreign aggression, "under present circumstances." ^Q / Tile paper also recommended that the U.S. support the "prompt accelera- tion of the formation of new national armies of the three Associated States," and a covering memorandum to the Secretaries of State and Defense recom- mended that if negotiations were conducted with the French, U.S. representa- tives should: . • . secure French acceptance of the following conditions which shall attach to the extension of U.S. assistance in the 11 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number; NND 63316. By: NWD Date; 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive formation of national armies in Indochina: (l) French Union Forces would not be withdrawn from Indochina until such Associated States armies are fully trained and ready to act effectively in replace- ment; (2) France would not decrea.se its outlays for Indochina "below the 1950 rate dui^ing the period of the American military aid requested; (3) the national armies project would have the approval of the three Associated States governments; (h) the High Commissioner for Indochina^ the French Command^ and the three Associated States woiiLd maintain full consultative rela- tions v;ith the Legation and T-IAAG during the period of the formation of the armies." The Joint Chiefs of Staff reevaluation appeared on October 27: military aid should be continued on an expedited basis. Again the judgment V7as offered that genuine autonomy and self-government had to be extended to the people of Indochina to ajueliorate the basic cause of the deterioration of security in Indochina: lack of popular support for the authorities., kl / But the most clearly articulated and complete expression of the Joint Chiefs' over-all position at year end is found in NSC 6U/1;, k2 / a November 28 paper by the Chiefs which takes account of a report from General Brink Us/ and the Southeast Asia Aid Policy Committee's draft of October 11; in fact^ this statement of short- and long-run objectives contained in NSC 6U/l was to remain the basis of United States policy toward Indochina for the dura- tion of the French-Indochina war. "SHORT TERM OBJECTIVES "a. The United States should take action ^ as a matter of urgency^ by all means practicable short of the actual employment of United States military forces^ to deny Indochina to Communism. "b. As long as the present situation exists ^ the United States should continue to insure that the primary responsibility for the restoration of peace and security in Indochina rests with the French. "c. The United States should seek to develop its military assistance program for Indochina based on aui over-all military plan prepared by the French, concurred in by the Associated States of Indochina^ and acceptable to the United States. "(l) Both the plan and the program should be developed and implemented as a matter of urgency. It should be clearly understood, however, that United States acceptance of the plan Is limited to the logistical support which the United States may agree to fiirnish. The aid provided under the program "should be furnished to the French in Indochina and to "the Associated States. The allocation of United States military assistance as between the French and the national armies of Indochina should be approved by the French and United States authorities in Indochina. 12 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 20 II TOP SECRET - Sensitive "(2) Popular support of the Government by the Indochinese people is essential to a favorable settlement of the security problem of Indochina, Therefore^ as a condition to the provision of those further increases in military assistance to Indochina necessary for the implementation of an agreed over-all military plan^ the United States Govern- ment should obtain assurances from the French Government that: "(a) A program providing for the eventual ■self-government of Indochina either vrithin or outside of the French Union -will be developed ^ made public ^ and jjnplementa- tion initiated at once in order to strengthen the national spirit of the Indochinese in opposition to Communism. "(b) National armies of the Associated States of Indochina v/ill be organized as a matter of lorgency. While it is dovibtful that the buildup of these armies can be accomplished in time to contribute significantly to the present military situation, the direct political and psycho- logical benefits to be derived from this course would be great and would thus result in immediate , although indirect, military benefits, "(c) Pending the formation and training of Indochinese national armies as effective units , and as an interim emergency m^easure, France will dispatch sufficient additional armed forces to Indochina to insure that the restoration of peace and internal security in that country "will be accomplished in accordance with the timetable of the over-all military plan for Indochina. "(d) France will change its political and military concepts in Indochina to: _i. Eliminate its policy of 'colonialism. ' ii. Provide proper tutelage to the Associated States. iii . Insure that a suitable military command structure , unhs^mpered by political interference, is established to conduct effective and appropriate military operations. . . "(3) At an appropriate time the United States should institute checks to satisfy itself that the condi- tions set forth in subparagraph £.(2) above axe being ful- filled. "d. The United States should exert all practicable political and diplomatic measures required to obtain the 13' TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number; NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET - Sensitive recognition of the Associated States "by the other non- Communist states of Southeast and South Asia. "£. In the event of overt attack by organized Chinese Communist forces against Indochina, the United States should not permit itself to become engaged in a general war with Communist China but should, in concert with the United Kingdom, support France and the Associated States by all means short of the actual employment of United States military forces. This support should include appropriate expansion of the present military assistance program and endeavors to induce States in the neighborhood of Indochina to commit armed forces to resist the aggression. "f . The United States should immediately reconsider its policy toward Indochina whenever it appears that the French Goverrmient may abandon its military position in that country or plans to refer the problem of Indochina to the United Nations. Unless the situation throughout the world generally, and Indochina specifically, changes materially, the United States should seek to dissuade the French from referring the Indochina question to the United Nations. "g. Inasmuch as the United States-sponsored resolution, 'Uniting for Peace,' has been adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations, and should a situation develop in Indochina in a manner similar to that in Korea in which United Nations forces were required, the United States would then probably be morally obligated to contribute its armed forces designated for service on behalf of the United Nations. It is, therefore, in the interests of the United States to tal^e such action in Indochina as would forestall the need for the General Assembly to invoke the provisions of the resolution, 'Uniting for Peace I n o The JCS also proposed long-term objectives, urging the development of an underground guerrilla warfare capability, a psychological warfare program ("to demonstrate the evils of Comjnianism. . • - and to warn„..of renewed Chinese imperialism"), and encouragement of an appropriate regional secui'ity arrangement. These concepts formed the heart of an NSC Staff Study of December 28. hh/ The initial decision to give assistance was con^ firmed after nearly one~~year's continual re-exatnina-tion, and remained basic to U.S. policy for the remainder of the war. 7. MAP for Indochina a, Ma.gnitude The U.S. military assistance program to the French and Associated States was iirplemented rapidly, considering the major U.S. ±k TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number; NND 63316. By: NWD Date; 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive coimnitment to the Korean war. In a somewhat premature judgment of out- comes ^ a progress report on the implementation of NSC 6^1- (March 15? 1951)" stated that "Anierican military aid furnished the States' forces and the Army of the French Union may have been the decisive factor in the preserva- tion of the area against Commtinist aggression." h^ / Through 1952 and into 195^ "the ^©AP shipments to Indochina increased steadily k6/ : by February 3^ 1953? the United States had shipped 137,200 long tons of material (22^1 ships' cargoes); by July 195^? approximately I5O5OOO long tons had been sentj including 1^800 combat vehicles^ 30,887 motor transport vehicles, 361 ;, 522 small arms and machine guns, ^38 naval craft, 2 World War II air- craft carriers, and about 5OO aircraft. By the conclusion of the Geneva agreements in July, 195'4-, the U.S. had delivered aid to Indochina at an original cost of $2,600 million. Wj/ Nonetheless, protests of the French at the slowness of deliveries and the "interference" of MAAG with French requests were recurrent, and peaked, during the crisis days of 195^* Yet these complaints probably reflected less genuine U.S. shortcomings than French resentment of American efforts to advise, screen, inspect, and verify, and sheer frustration. Moreover, the vagaries of the French logistic system not only made the MAAG job more difficult, but firrther mpeded com- bat supplies. b. Effectiveness In spite of the conditions under which U.S. assistance to France and the Associated States was given, the MAAG during the period of the Indochina war was little more than a small (70 in 1950, 3^2 in 195^) supply- support group which exerted far more influence upon U.S. decisions than on the French. The French, never eager for American advice, not only succeeded in limiting the function of MAAG to order-taking in the corrimercial sense, but in fact -- through adroit pressuring of officials above the MAAG -- sometimes reduced MAAG to the position of taking their military orders. Available data do not permit detailed evaluation of the efficiency of I4AP, but it seems clear that French restrictions on the U.S. MAAG reduced it to virtual impotence, US/ However, to relate any judgment of the effectiveness of the United States assistance program simply and directly to the outcome of the war would clearly be inappropriate. For the most part, U.S. expectations were not high. In the words of the Ajnerlcan Ambassador to France in Febru- ary, 1950, "obviously any program of external assistance was ma.rginal in character and entirely dependent for its success upon the solidity of the base -- in this case, the firmness of French policy and actions in Indo- china." J49/ French determination to resist American advice vras not matched by firmness in proceeding with granting independence to Vietnam, or other- wise meeting the political situation in Indochina. Hence, as the U.S. apparently expected, a favora.ble outcome to the Indochina v/ar continued to elude France, even vrith Anierican material and financial help. U.S. assistance enabled France to wage a military battle while it lost its political v?ar -- in Saigon and in Paris. (The military defeat at Dien Bien Phu was iraportant primarily from the point of view of its psychologi- cal and political impact on the French, and was so interpreted in the rele- vant U.S. intelligence estimates.) 50/ 15 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET - Sensitive If it would be an error to evaluate the effectiveness of the U.S. program in terms of v/ar outcome, and if the efficiency of MP and MAAG cannot meaningfully "be analyzed ^ it remains to evaluate the degree to vhich France met the conditions under which assistance was tendered , which presumably impinged directly on U.S. political objectives: (l) The United States objective of insuring "that the . ■ primary responsibility for the restoration of peace and security in Indochina rests with the French" was fulfilled; in fact, it was insisted on by the French. On the one hand^ U.S. military forces were never directly engaged in the Indochina war. On the other hand, the French, in retaining this primary responsibility, preserved the prerogative to determine policy and the freedom to reject U.S. advice. U.S. "leverage" was minimal. • . (2) The condition of basing the assistance program on "an urgently prepared French plan acceptable to the Associated States and to the U.S." was frus- trated in several ways. At the outset no overall plan was presented, and those portions of existing plans to which U.S. authorities were privy ( e.g. , Allessandri's pacification plan for the Tonkin Delta) were not acceptable to U.S. thinking. Second, when the Letourneau-Allard and Navarre plans were finally prepared (in 1953? three years after the U.S. decided tha^t a plan was a necessary precondi- tion for aid), some U.S. observers realized that these were more concepts than plans. U.S. accep- tance of the plans vms more reluctant than the granting of $385 million in additional assistance might indicate. 51/ Finally, the plans, once "accepted," were not vigorously carried out. ^2/ (3) The French raet ipro forma the condition that they provide the U.S. assurances that they vrould grant self-governirient for Indochina, and form national armies for the Associated States. But it was clear throughout the war that, regardless of the amounts of U.S. assistance rendered, France's declarations of intent were grudgingly issued, and were seldom . ■ followed by action. The French Indochina war had to be lost before Vietnam was granted genuine in- dependence. . (k) Although France did expand its forces in Indochina, these forces were never sufficient to the task. French draftees were never employed in Indochina. France 16 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 20 II r TOP SECRET - Sensitive continually pointed to its European defense posture in explanation. In at least one case^ U.S. per- sonnel were requested ( e.g « ^ as aircraft mechanics) ^ and 200 were provided ^ when a pool of suitable personnel existed in Metropolitan France. (5) Statements to the contrary notwithstanding, the French did not ameliorate neo-mercantilism or other colonial policies , or provide "proper tutelage" to the Associated States; nor did it develop a command structure suitable to the United States. (6) The U.S. "checks to satisfy itself that the condi- tions" imposed were being satisfied, were, by and large, few and far between, and were conducted at the pleasure and within the specifications of the French. (7) The French chose not to refer Indochina to the United Nations. Certainly the U.S. assistance program bore on this decision; whether or not it was the deciding factor is unclear. The effectiveness of the United States assistance program as an instrument of United States policy — q.uite aside from the outcome of the war -- was thus q.uite low. 8. Critique As earlier sections of this paper have suggested, the U.S. was persuaded to involve itself in the Indochina war by the perceived need^ following the fall of Nationalist China, to hold a line against comm~anists. This strategic drawing of the line at the Chinese-Indochina border was reinforced by the belief that the fall of Indochina would undoubtedly lead to the fall of the other mainland states of Southeast Asia, and that tbe fall of Southeast Asia would eventuate in the virtually complete denial to the United States of the Pacific Littoral of Asia. Prospects for a French victory in Indochina were assessed in contemporary U.S. intelli- gence documents as poor; nonetheless, the U.S. provided military and economic assistance to the French and the Associated States in the belief that a prompt, coordinated United States program of military, political, and economic aid offered some prospect that France might succeed in gain- ing the initia.tive in the struggle in that area. Six major points of critique of U.S. policy follow: a. The- U.S. Misestim.ated France U.S. policymakers apparently realized that the conditions they imposed upon the French were impracticable to some degree. Nonethe- less, they believed that pre-conditions were necessary and could assist TOP SECR ET - Sensitive 17 Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive in convincing the French to mend their colonial ways and to pursue the war with American methods ;, diligence , and aggressiveness. Tlie French^ long noted for proficiency and precision in logic, required no Descartes to realize that the United States v^as thus asking France (l) to regain full responsibility for the Indochina War, and in particular for fighting and taking casualties in that war; (2) to follovr the "guidance" and "advice" of the United States on the exercise of this French responsibility; and (3) having fought the war, presumably to a successful conclusion, to re- linguish control over Indochina, In view of the French willingness to retain responsibility for the war, it is not surprising that they were reluctant, at best, to accept propositions (2) and (3)* Despite French pronouncements on their role in fighting coimnunism, there is little reason to believe that they regarded the Indochina war in the same light as the U.S. viewed the Korean War. Rather, their behavior resembled that of other colonial powers who had fought to retain profitable colonies. b. Slim Chance Acce-pted by the U.S. Had U.S. policymakers recognized the slimness of the chance of persuading France to accept the three propositions specified above, they might have sought alternative courses of action in Indochina. As it was, the possibility (as opposed to the probability) of success was their prime consideration, and, overestimating U.S. leverage for influ- encing a favorable outcome, alternatives were not considered. c. Circular U.S. Policy Suppression of alternatives, both on the general and the particular level (see Note 48 for an exajnple of the latter), led to a circularity in and reinforcement of existing policies -- constant forced choices between "bad" and "worse." 53/ d. Poor Barsainins Having taken a hard policy line toward the French, the United Ste.tes failed to bargain effectively. Thus, in circumstances not totally dissimilar from those prevailing in Vietnam in subsequent time periods, the U.S. continued to provide assistance disregarding infi-actions of pre- conditions; moreover, the pre-conditions for aid vrere not modified. With- out modification, the conditions became worse than meaningless: standing testajnents to U.S. impotence, to be recognized only when and how the French chose. The U.S. becajne virtually a prisoner of its ovm policy. Contain- ment of communism, concern for the French in relation to the postwar Europe of MTO, EDC, and the Soviet threat in the West, combined with a fear, based on World War II strategy, that a French withdrawal from Indochina would leave exposed the U.S. flank in Korea, all compelled the U.S. to continue aid. Yet none of these considerations should have precluded modification of the U.S. bargaining strategy. e. Misinformation The U.S. policyma^king machinery was highly vulnerable to spoofing, on at least three counts: (l) the very strength of the U.S. 18 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET - Sensitive position regarding communism must have been a constant temptation^ not always resisted, for other parties to cry "red" and thus to manipulate the U.S.; (2) dependence on official French sources for intelligence and other information Y/as potentially misleading; (3) reliance on the high- level mission technique for gathering information to be used as a direct input to policy decisions proved unsatisfactory. ^V f. Costs Not Weighed Finally, there is little indication that U.S. policymakers, their thoughts dominated by the objective of containing the monolithic communist bloc, faced up to the costs of winning the Indochina v/ar, even while direct U.S. intervention was being considered. 55/ Nor does the evidence suggest that consideration was given to the tangible and intangi- ble costs of providing U.S. military assistance to a power losing a war, including the potential impact on the U.S. position in Asia. And, finally, available documents fail to reveal any consideration given to the notion of sunk costs. There were, of course, voices in the wilderness. An uji- signed, undated memorandum posed eight key questions to be ansv/ered by . the NSC durinp; the spring of 19^4 . 56/ Comment on the following four . questions, in relation to the time at which they were raised, is unneces- sary: -- Just how important is Southeast Asia to the security interests of the U.S.? Is the analysis in NSC 5^05 still valid? Is the area important enough to fight for? — How important is Indochina in the defense of Southeast Asia? Is the "domino theory" valid? Is Indochina im- portant enough to fight for? If not, what are the stra- tegic consequences of the loss of all or part of Indochina? — If the U.S. intervenes in Indochina, ca.n we count on the support of the natives? Can we fight as allies of the French and avoid the stigma of colonialism? — Is there a strategic concept for the conduct of a war in Indochina which offers promise of early success...? The decision of the United States to provide assistance to France and the Associated States during the Indochina War is usually treated lightly, if at all, in current histories. Yet, both the taking of the decision and its implementation were significant for and remarkably similar, to subse- quent U.S. experiences in Vietnam. TOP SECRET - Sensitive 19 Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number; NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 TOP SECRET - Sensitive r ) IV. A. 2 FOOTNOTES .1. Department of State Circiilar to certain American diplomatic and consular officers , January 23^ 19^6. The association of the l^ether- lands East Indies with French Indochina could not have been lost on the French. 2. Department of State , Office of Far Eastern Affairs^ Memo for Mr, Acheson fromJ.C.V.5 Jajiuary 8, 19^7. 3c Department of State outgoing telegram to AMElffl Paris U3I5 February 3 5 19^^7 (SECRET) . - k. Department of State outgoing telegram to AMEIylB Paris ik^, January 17, 19^9 (SECRET). '5. Joseph Buttinger^ Vietnam: A Dragon Embattled (Wew York: Praeger^ I9675 2 vols), II, pp. 706-707- 6. Bernard B, Fall, ed. , Ho Chi Minh on Revolution (New York: Praeger, 1967), pp. 197-198. 7. Memorandum for the President from the Secretary of State, February 2, 1950. 8. Department of State Bulletin, May 22, I95O. 9. NSC U8/I, Report by the Executive Secretary, December 23, 19^9, p. 3 (TOP SECRET) . 10. Cf. McCarran bill, introduced February 25, 19^9^ to provide $1.5 billion loan to Nationalist China, subsequent Bridges call for investigation of U.S. -China policy. 11. NSC U8/I, p, 13. 12. NSC 6k, Report by the Department of State, February 7, I95O, p. 3 (top SECRET) . 13. The French Assembly ratified the bill which in effect established the Associated States on January 29^ 1950. The reasons for recognition advanced by the Secretary of State to the President are encoui^agement to national aspirations under non-coromunist leadership; establishment of stable non-communist goverimients in areis adjacent to Communist China; support to France; demonstration of displeasui-e with communist tactics. Department of State, Memorandum for the President from the Secretary, subject "U.S. Recognition of Vietnaiu, Laos and Cambodia," February 2, I95O. 20 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 >.-.• ■ - TOP SECRET - Sensitive l4. The import of Secretary Acheson's statement of February 1 is made clear by the first paragraph of the Department of State press release of that date: "The recognition by the Kremlin of Ho Chi Minh's communist movement in Indochina comes as a surprise. The Soviet acknowledgment of this movement should remove any illusions as to the 'nationalist' nature of Ho Chi Minh's aims and reveals Ho in his true colors as the mortal enemy of independence in Indo- china ..." 15' As President Truman was later to v/rite concerning his view of Chi- nese operations in November 1950, "The situation in Korea... was not the only instance of a new aggressiveness on the part of Com- munist China. There vras evidence that the communist rebel forces in Indochina were receiving increasing aid from Peiping. Also^ in the last days of October ^ Communist China had moved agaj-nst the - ancient theocracy of Tibet. We were seeing a pattern in Indochina and Tibet timed to coincide with the attack in Korea as a challenge . to the Western world." Memoirs of Harry S. Truman , Volume 2, p. 38O. 16. On May 3^ 19^9? General Chennault told two Congressional Committees that unless the U.S. took immediate steps to save the Nationalists, all Asia would fall to the communists. 17. Memorandujn for the Secretary of Defense, from Joint Chiefs of Staff, Subject: Strategic Assessment of Southeast Asia^ April 10^ I95O (TS). 18. NSC 48, 6k series, 12k series, 177, 5^05. 19. NSC 6k, p. 2. 20. NIE 5 5 Indochina: Current Si.tuation and Probable Developments , December 29, 1950, p. 2 (TS). ' ' . • 21. NIE 5, p. 2. Luclen Bodard in his The Quicksand War (pp. 228-229) contends that the French High Command "systematically put out false intelligence that was meant to end up in Washington" en this and related issues. Only subseq.uent events showed the French that there was a real Chinese threat. 22. Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, April 5, I95O (TS). 23. NIE 5, pp. 1, 2. 24. Ibid., p. 1. 25. See Department of State Outgoing Telegram to AlA Consul Saigon 25, Personal for Jessup from Butterworth, January 20, I95O, "...marked opposition has been encountered which demonstrates at least that Bao Dai's popular support has not yet widened." 26. NIE 5, p. 1. ■ 21 TOP SECRET - Sensitive Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 20 II TOP SECRET - Sensitive 27. Department of State Incoming Telegram from Paris 837, February 22, 1950 . 28. NSC 6hy The Position of the United States with Respect to Indochina, February 27, 195O, p. 3 (ts). 29. Department of State letter from Deputy Under Secretary Rusk to Major General James H. Burns, March 7, I95O (TS). 30. Memorandum for the President from the Secretary of Defense, approved by SecDef, March 6, I95O (tS). 31- By March 6, State and Defense had agreed on a military assistance program for Indochina and Thailand in the amounts of $15 and 10 million respectively. Draft memorandum to the President, "Allocation of Funds to Provide Military Assistance to Thailand and Indochina Under Section 303 of Mutual Defense Assistance Act, March 6, I95O (TS). 32. Ninth Report to Congress of ECA, 1951, p. 99. 33* Quoted in Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense from Secretary of the Navy, "Aid to Indochina," March 28, 1950, p. 2. (tS) 3^. Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, "strategic Assessment of Southeast Asia," April 5, 195O (TS). 35* Department of State Outgoing Telegram to AmEmbassy London 20i^9, May 3, 1950 (TS), - , 36. Statement of the President, June 27, 1950. 37- Memorandum for the Joint Chiefs of Staff from Secretary of Defense, June 6, 1950. 'Cited in U„S , Policy Toward Vietnam Since 19^5 ^ OCMH Draft TS-62-5-3 (ts). 38. Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Annex 2, October I6, I95O (S); see also The U.S. A7:my Role in the Con- flict in Vietnam . OCMH Draft TS-64-7-1 (TS), pp. 22-23; the generally pessimistic conclusions of the mission are also presented in Anjiex 2 to Southeast Asia Policy Committee "Proposed Statement of U.S. Policy in Indochina for NSC Consideration," October 11, I95O (tS). 39- OCMH Draft 13-6^^-7-1, P- 23. ^0. In their comment on this paper, the Joint Secretaries recommended strengthening this restriction by including in it the contingency of "augmented internal communist offensives." Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense from the Joint Secretaries, October I8, I95O (TS). TOP SECR ET - Sensitive 22 — f Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 ill. Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense from the Joint Chiefs of Staff , Subject: Possible Future Action in Indochina^ October 27, 195O (TS). 1+2. Report to the National Security Council by the Secretary of Defense on the Position of the United States v^ith Respect to Indochina, December 21^ 195O (TS). kS' Department of State Incoming Message from U.S. Minister Saigon 763? November ky I95O (TS). kh. NSC staff Study on Position of the United States with Respect to Indo- china, December 28, I95O (TS). U5. Progress Report by the Under Secretary of State to the National Secujrity Council on the Implementation of NSC 6k, March I5, I95I (TS). kS. OCMH TS-6i|-7-lj pp. 365 il7-U8. All numbers are taken to be approxi- mations. i+7* Irving Heymont, et.al . , Cost Analysis of Counterinsurgency Operations , RAC-TP-232, June 1967, Vol 1, p. 10 (S). " ^^' ^■^' 3 informal memorandum from Mr. Max Lehrer to General Bonesteel of April 21 3 195^1: "This /attached/ report makes it clear that the U.S. MAG has little information available on which it could operate. The written report actually understates the deficiencies in information. Our people find that the morale of the MAAG in Indochina is virtually . non-existent and the MAA.G is reduced to relative impotence." I49. Departm^ent of State Incoming Telegram from Paris 837 ? February 22, 1950 (S). 50. NIE 63-5^1, Conseq.uences Within Indochina of the Fall of Dien Bien Phu , April 30, 195^ (S). 51. Regarding the Letourneau-Allard plan, General Trapnell, Chief I^AA^G, reported, "v7hile this plan is slow and expensive, the other course of action is to accept a stalemate which is also not only expensive, but in the long run, favors the Viet Minh and offers no solution." (Memorandum from General Trapnell, OSD files, March 3I5 1953) 52. Although General 0* Daniel, in his report of July I5, I953 (TS) waxed enthusiastic over the successor Navarre Plan, broadly and attractively described to him by General Navarre himself, it was clear to others that the plan v/as hollow. "There is no concrete evidence that the French Union forces v^ill be able to take decisive action to win the war in the foreseeable future..." (Comments by Army Attache, Saigon, November 2^^, I953 (s)) • 23 TOP SECRET - Sensitive V ^ Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number; NND 63316. By: NWD Date; 2011 TOP SECRET - Sensitive 53. Thus the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 195^1: "There are two basic military concepts for the defense of Southeast Asia: a. Static type defense (Korea type), b. An offensive to attack the source of communist mili- tary power being applied in Southeast Asia /i.._e,. , China/." It is in- teresting that in this assessment the Chiefs selected b . ^ although The force requirements and logistic support. - .have not been fully developed." Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Subject: -"Defense of Southeast Asia in the Event of Loss of Indochina to the Communists," May 21, I95U (TS). 5h. C.f . 3 the reports of General 0^ Daniel following his three missions to Indochina. Following the second mission, O'Daniel reported that prospects for victory appear increasingly encouraging and I heartily recommend continuation and intensification of United States support." (Rrogress Report on Military Situation in Indochina as of November 19> 1953 (TS).) Follov/ing the third mission, which General Navarre tried unsuccessfully to prevent, 0* Daniel was even more optimistic in his remarks, including those on Dien Bien Phu, given the circimstances. (Report of U.S. Special Mission to Indochina, February 5, 195^ (TS)) 55* Secretary of the Army Robert T. Stevens found it necessary to write, . even following the U.S. experiences of the Korean war, "l am becoming Increasingly concerned over the freq,uency of statements by individuals ■ of influence within and v^ithout the government that United States air and sea forces alone could solve our problem in Indochina, and equally so over the very evident lack of appreciation of the logistics factors affecting operations in that area." Memorandiira for the Secretary of Defense, Subject: Indochina, May I9, 195^^ (TS). See also Note 53- 56. NSC 5^05 file of OSD, '« 2U TOP SECRET - Sensitive